Climbing
Magazine
May 1998
Edited by Alison Osius
©
Bill Donahue
“What
is true in a man’s life is not what he does, but the legend
which grows up around him. . . .You must never destroy legends.”
— Oscar Wilde
BY
THE TIME THEY REACHED THAT LAST WINDBLOWN PITCH, they were exhausted
and chilled to the bone. “We breathed heavily,” the
explorer Frederick Cook wrote of his 1906 attempt to become the
first person up Alaska’s Denali, “and our hearts labored
like gas engines in trouble. . . . The mind was fixed on the glitter
of the summit, but the motive force was not in harmony with this
ambition.”
And
yet they toiled on, Frederick A. Cook, the Brooklyn physician who
would later claim discovery of the North Pole, and his Tonto, a
burly Montana blacksmith named Edward Barrill. Imagine them that
September 16, their backs bent to the ardor of a pure, holy struggle,
their mustaches frosted with ice. Cook and Barrill wore flimsy canvas
rucksacks and camel-hair capes. They were climbing without crampons,
and even their hike inland to the base of the 20,320-foot mountain
had been, as Cook noted, a matter of “crossing life-sapping
marshes and tundras. . . always with the torment of death before
us.
“One
hundred steps,” Cook wrote in recounting his summit surge
for Harper’s Magazine, “and then a halt… Another
hundred steps…and so on in our weary efforts to rise…
I shall never forget the notable moment when the rope became taut
with a nervous pull, and we crept impatiently over the heaven-scraped
granite toward the top.” Cook and Barrill clasped hands on
the summit; they gazed down at the “narrow, winding, pearly
ribbons” of rivers below.
Or
so the story goes.
Before
Frederick Cook even got out of Alaska, a young climber, Belmore
Browne, decided he was a liar. Browne, a junior member of Cook’s
expedition, had stayed near the Alaskan coast, to collect plant
specimens, and when Cook returned, boasting that he’d zipped
up Denali and back in less than a month, Browne sniffed a hoax.
“I knew it,” he said, “in the same way any New
Yorker would know that no man could walk from the Brooklyn Bridge
to Grant’s Tomb in 10 minutes.”
A feud
was born. In the nine decades since Harper’s ran
a photo of Edward Barrill clutching an American flag on the supposed
pinnacle of North America, no question in mountaineering has caused
more bickering and acid indigestion than Frederick Cook’s
claim to Denali. What began as a gentleman’s disagreement,
the no-nonsense Browne versus the dreamy-eyed Cook, blossomed into
a war, a still-fulminating battle between reason and romance that
has engaged a cast of thousands including Cook’s polar rival,
Robert Peary; the editors of The New York Times and the
directors of the National Geographic Society; huge crowds cheering
at train stations; President Franklin Roosevelt, and even the ghost
of John F. Kennedy.
There
are no neutral parties in this feud. In one corner, you have Browne
and his heirs — skeptics who have systematically torn Cook
to bits, discrediting his Denali photographs, unearthing geological
errors in his field notes, and in general carrying on like beady-eyed
scientists gone berserk. David Roberts, author of Great Exploration
Hoaxes, notes that these critics have exposed Dr. Cook’s
fraud “more conclusively” than any other hoax in “the
history of exploration.” They have proven, even, that Cook
never made it within two vertical miles of Denali’s summit.
But they have not prevailed. In the other corner, Frederick Cook,
dead now for over half a century, still looms as a climber in whom
we can believe very deeply.
We
live in a prosaic era, a time in which almost any bozo with a checkbook
can attempt Everest, and Dr. Cook shines to us as a paragon of a
grander age. In his day, large chunks of terra incognita were still
left. Explorers were romantic heroes, and Cook was the most romantic
of all. He was a lifelong loner and a writer whose four books eloquently
extolled the “mystery and promise” of the outdoors.
He was soft-spoken and kind, and it’s easy to regard him as
a martyr. Both of Cook’s great exploration claims —
Denali in 1906 and the North Pole in 1908 — were ultimately
trashed; the man was tossed into federal prison, on charges of mail
fraud. And yet he died insisting that he was honest. Is it any wonder,
then, that there is a fan club still loyal to the doctor and his
great, good lost cause?
This
club, the New York-based Frederick A. Cook Society, has 150 members.
The most devoted are tweedy codgers who cling to that quaint notion
of heroism, and to a conspiracy theory. According to the Cook Society’s
unofficial creed, Frederick Cook was savagely ruined by the “Peary
cabal” — that is, the Philistine sponsors of Robert
Peary’s 1909 North Pole attempt. The National Geographic Society,
The New York Times and a coalition of industrial titans
known as the Peary Arctic Club had, the Creed posits, a vested interest
in ensuring that their man was credited with the greatest exploration
prize of his era. So, pulling strings (supposedly), they saw to
it that Cook was kicked out of New York’s prestigious Explorers
Club in 1909 and ravaged by the press.
Fueled
largely by a recent $500,000-plus bequest from Cook’s late
granddaughter, the Society uses a myriad of tactics to counteract
the cabal. It publishes a slick quarterly newsletter; offers its
historian $150 an hour to ponder, say, what Cook ate for breakfast
on the flanks of Denali; and grants scholarships to teen researchers
who toe the Cook line. The Cook Society’s members have always
clung most fiercely to the dubious claim that, in April 1908, their
man became the world’s first human to attain the North Pole.
They have expended millions of calories refuting the testimony of
Cook’s two Eskimo aides who said that Dr. Cook actually hung
up his mukluks hundreds of miles from the Pole, just off the northern
tip of Axel Heiberg Land. But on a recent dank day, Cook’s
fans shifted to their alternate passion: Thirty-five of the faithful
convened in Seattle for a symposium on the peak they invariably
call Mount McKinley.
The
attendees wore ties, and were as grim as a clutch of professors
contemplating the meaning of Melville. Ted Heckathorn, the conference
coordinator, delivered the keynote address right after luncheon
as one elderly spectator copped a few Z’s. Heckathorn invoked
the name of Scott Fischer, the Seattle guide who died on Everest,
describing his and Fischer’s 1994 trip to Denali.
“During
my last visit with Scott,” Heckathorn intoned with the sort
of gravity usually reserved for reading brass plaques, “he
told me, ‘I stood where Cook stood [on Denali’s east
ridge] and I matched him. I looked up the same ridge and saw the
route to the top. It was doable.’”
Nobody
said anything; a silent awe hung thick in the room. And the pessimist
in me kept thinking that, at any moment, Bradford Washburn could
burst through the door.
EIGHTY-SEVEN
YEARS OLD, WITH A VOICE LIKE ROUGH SANDPAPER and a will of wrought
iron, Bradford Washburn is the Cook Society’s nightmare. He
is the last remaining mountaineer who knew Belmore Browne, and a
man who believes that Cook’s summit stories are nothing more
than “lies conjured up at Cook’s desk in Brooklyn, New
York.” He is the director emeritus of the Boston Museum of
Science, and he is obsessed. For over 40 years, Washburn has ground
each and every one of Cook’s romantical Denali assertions
through the mill of scientific analysis. Cook’s passage about
scaling the “heaven-scraped granite” atop Denali? Washburn
has climbed the mountain three times, and his summit photos reveal
that the peak is buried in at least 60 feet of snow and ice. Cook’s
claim that he could see “steaming volcanoes” from the
top? Washburn points out that intervening mountains would forbid
such a view. And the stunning black-and-white photos Cook published
in his 1908 book, To the Top of the Continent? Oh, my.
To
really understand Washburn’s intricate relationship to those
pictures, we need to go back to 1910, the year that Belmore Browne
returned to Denali. Browne located, and then photographed, the very
rock on which Barrill had stood with his flag. The rock, it turned
out, was located 19 miles southeast of the summit, at an elevation
of just 5260 feet. It is now called “Fake Peak.”
Browne,
a painter, died in 1954, but he bequeathed to Washburn a picture
of Denali and how, really, could Washburn refuse the mantle of skepticism?
In 1956, the geologist traveled to the mountain to finish his mentor’s
work. Washburn indicted six more of Cook’s published photos.
For
instance, he duplicated a picture captioned “In the Silent
Glory and Snowy Wonder of the Upper World, 15,400 feet” at
the rather inglorious altitude of 5240 feet on Denali. For
years afterward, Washburn merely trusted that his camera told the
truth. In 1996, though, he took his incrimination of Dr. Cook to
its logically final step. Washburn brought Cook’s “summit”
photo, along with H. Adams, Carter and Browne’s “Fake
Peak” pictures, to the very lab that had analyzed the Zapruder
film, the grainy home movie of the Kennedy assassination. Itek Optical
Systems of Lexington, Massachusetts, pored over the photographed
rocks, annotating every nubbin and crack and ultimately producing
a lengthy report that concludes that Browne and Cook had photographed
“the same peak.”
But
the photographic evidence isn’t even the linchpin of Washburn’s
anti-Cook proof. There is the affidavit that Barrill, Cook’s
climbing partner, signed in 1909, confessing that the Denali claim
was a hoax. And then there is the question of timing. The Cook party
stood on the Alaskan coast in mid-August of 1906. A succession of
early frosts hit them and Cook, suspecting an early winter, abandoned
his summit dreams. He decided that he would merely do reconnaissance
for future ascents. But then on the flanks of Denali, he glimpsed
the dawn in “its fetching polar glory. There was a burst of
fire,” he wrote in Harper’s, “and with
it the great glittering spires above blazed with a glow of rose.”
He
and Barrill decided to press on. Cook later claimed that, from basecamp,
they climbed up the gently sloping Ruth Glacier and then up the
treacherous East Buttress, a total of 44 miles, in eight days.
Of
the thousands of people who have climbed Denali since the Alaska
missionary Hudson Stuck notched the first undisputed ascent in 1913
(on the relatively gentle Muldrow route), only a handful have done
it inside eight days. And the East Buttress, particularly, has taunted
its suitors. When New Hampshire’s Jed Williamson led the first
modern party up it in 1963, it took him 25 days and a wealth of
fixed rope. Williamson never touched the terrifying double-fluted
ridge Cook says he conquered. This hairy, approximately three-quarter
mile long stretch of the Buttress has been attempted, but only once
— by a party Walt Gonnason led in 1956. Gonnason failed.
“Look,”
Washburn says, “all I’m interested in are the facts,
and the fact is that Frederick Cook just said he climbed Mount McKinley
so he could drum up money for a trip to the North Pole. The fact
is that that guy was such a con man he could have sold cracked ice
at the North Pole. I have told this to those Cook people. I have
challenged the Cook Society to a debate three times, but every time
they’ve said they’re too goddamned busy. They don’t
have the guts to face me, and they can’t wait till I die;
I know it. But before I get hit with a heart attack and get dragged
out feet first, I’m going to put together a book telling the
definitive story. I’m not going to leave those Cook people
one millimeter of rope to work with.”
OH,
THE WORLD is full of bullies, and Frederick Cook doesn’t need
their abuse; his life was too hard. Cook’s father died when
he was five and, as a shy, lisping teenager in Brooklyn, young Fred
worked as a rent collector to support his family. He paid his tuition
at Columbia University by running a milk-delivery business, then
went to medical school. His wife and infant daughter soon died,
after a complicated birth, and he turned to long books on exploration
to escape grief. (He later remarried and had children.)
Eventually,
Cook eyed a newspaper ad calling for an expedition surgeon. He applied
and then sailed north with Peary, to begin an exploration career
that, even his critics concede, was outstanding. In 1897, Cook traveled
to the Antarctic with the Norwegian explorer Roald Amundsen and
saved Amundsen’s crew from death by delivering what was then
novel advice: He told the explorers to eat penguin steaks to avoid
scurvy as their boat sat locked in the ice for a year. In 1902,
trying to reach the North Pole with Peary, he journeyed to 84 degrees
north, and the next year he made an undisputed circumnavigation
of Denali, a feat that was not duplicated for over 70 years.
No
one will ever know exactly what Frederick Cook did when he was kicking
around in the Arctic in 1908, but he was anointed a hero in April
1909 when he mushed into Annoatok, Greenland, claiming to have reached
the North Pole the previous year. The Royal Danish Geographical
Society awarded him a gold medal for discovery; a crowd of 15,000
greeted him in St. Louis, bellowing “The Star Spangled Banner.”
But by September, when Peary returned to the states from his own
Arctic journey, dark clouds were forming.
The
Peary Arctic Club began holding clandestine meetings aimed at destroying
Cook’s reputation. The Club’s president quietly paid
Edward Barrill $5000 to sign an affidavit, and on October 15, 1909,
shocking news seeped into the headlines. In a page-one story, The
New York Times quoted Barrill saying that Cook had never made it
higher than 10,000 feet on Denali and had “doctored”
Barrill’s climbing diary, so as to conceal the lie. Barrill
described a hike that included a four-mile detour to the top of
Fake Peak and ended low on the Ruth Glacier, at 4900 feet. The Times
rejoiced, “Smashed is Dr. Cook,” and two days later,
Belmore Browne drove another nail into Cook’s coffin. Before
a committee of the Explorers Club, Browne asked Cook to defend his
Denali claim; the doctor demurred. “Now, gentlemen,”
he told the Explorers, “I have been suddenly thrust into a
controversy and I have not had time to breathe, have not had time
to eat, and it doesn’t seem to me that you should expect me
to go into any details just at this moment.”
Cook
canceled his imminent lecture tour. He vanished from the public
view but remained, his fans claim, the victim of a grisly conspiracy.
In 1923, soon after he had launched a new career as an oil prospector,
the doctor was charged with fleecing his company’s stockholders
— with circulating sales pitches that made great, gushingly
fraudulent claims about his Texas oil fields. A federal judge dissolved
Cook’s oil business and sent the explorer to the federal pen
in Leavenworth, Kansas.
Cook
had hundreds of sympathizers at Leavenworth; indeed, on the night
before he was sprung, in 1930, the prison’s staff honored
him with a rare farewell dinner. Still, he was filled with despair.
“Few men in all history ...” he wrote, “have ever
been made to suffer so bitterly and so inexpressibly as I.”
He spent much of his last decade writing a gloomy, unpublished memoir,
Hell is a Cold Place, and on his deathbed in 1940, he received at
last one stroke of grace — a pardon from President Roosevelt.
THE
ASSOCIATE PRESS REPORTS THAT COOK GREETED HIS PARDON with a pained
celebration, wheezing, “Happy. Thanks.” It was a fine
story, I thought, but I’d heard a more splendid version of
Dr. Cook’s exit, one that had him growing delirious in his
last moments and whispering in an Eskimo tongue. Sheldon Shackleford
Randolph Cook-Dorough, the Georgia lawyer who serves as the Cook
Society’s official historian, told me this tale, drawling
reverently over the phone. He also told me, “I have made Dr.
Cook my life’s work.” Indeed, Cook-Dorough (no relation
to the august explorer) had read the entire 32-volume transcript
of Cook’s oil trial twice, studying 20 hours a day until,
he claims, small flecks of tissue detached from his retina, causing
him to see tiny black dots on the page. I was thrilled by the man’s
single-minded devotion, so I decided to fly into Atlanta to interview
him in person. “Wonderful,” Cook-Dorough exclaimed.
“We shall talk all day and long and into the night, for Dr.
Cook was truly a great man and ...”
On
the evening I arrived, Cook-Dorough, 69, came out to the airport
to meet me. Never mind that I’d never told him my flight number,
or even what I looked like. He presumed, I imagine, that our mutual
fondness for Dr. Cook would make everything right. We didn’t
connect but, as we later established, we actually did cross paths
in the concourse, our eyes locking fatefully. Frederick Cook’s
most loyal apostle, Cook-Dorough is hale and ruddy-complected, with
an unruly thatch of gray hair and a great urge to testify.
We
met the next morning in the living room of Cook-Dorough’s
spare apartment. A portrait of his great-granddaddy, a Confederate
general, hung on the wall and we discussed the sad case of Brad
Washburn. “From the very beginning of his career,” Cook-Dorough
said, “Bradford Washburn was tainted. He was associated with
the sponsors of Peary’s trip to the North Pole, the National
Geographic Society.” The truth is that Washburn has created
several National Geographic maps, but has received only one Denali-related
paycheck from the Society — a $1000 research grant. Nevertheless,
Cook-Dorough carried on. “And when any one of us is ushered
into a field of study by people with fixed opinions, we absorb those
opinions. It’s very human, of course.”
Cook-Dorough
argued that he himself was guided into the Denali controversy by
a level-headed soul. His grandfather, he said, talked “with
great admiration about Dr. Cook, breakfast, lunch, and dinner”
for eight straight years and, though the man died before Sheldon
was born, his ardor flowed into his progeny’s blood. As a
law student in the late 1950s, Cook-Dorough read tomes like Cook’s
My Attainment of the Pole. “I learned of all Dr. Cook had
done,” Cook-Dorough recalls, “and of how he had been
relegated to the trash bin of history. And one day it hit me: ‘This
is a monstrous injustice!’ I was overwhelmed by the personal
tragedy of it. I abandoned my law books and rushed to the library.”
For
decades, Cook-Dorough focused his studies on the polar expeditions.
His interest in Denali wasn’t piqued until 1977, when, at
the funeral of Cook’s youngest daughter, he glimpsed the diary
Dr. Cook had kept on his climb. Another Cook descendant showed him
the ancient document, briefly, before depositing it in a bank vault
and Cook-Dorough was not able to give the diary the homage it merited
until 1996. Then, he spent three months studying its 172 pages with
a magnifying glass. He transcribed the tortuous cursive and gleaned
cold proof of Cook’s triumph — most notably, the gradual
decay of the doctor’s penmanship.
"As
he ascends,” Cook-Dorough explained from his perch on the
gold velvet chair in his living room, "his legibility declines
markedly until, at above 14,000 feet, he’s just jotting things
down. The phrasing is disjointed. The rarefied air of the higher
elevations makes it difficult to collect one’s thoughts, you
know, and when Dr. Cook is hanging off cliffs or freezing at 16
below, the writing becomes even harder to read. You can almost see
the pain he felt in grasping the pen."
Cook-Dorough
has never personally experienced rarefied air. But of late he’s
been taking weekly strolls through Atlanta — hour-long walks
he devotes exclusively to ruminations on Cook. He has also disconnected
his phone, a distraction to study, and stopped going to the symphony
or the opera. Dr. Cook is never far from his mind. “Sometimes,”
he said, “I just explode with joy. I remember Dr. Cook’s
achievements and I think, 'That is magnificent!'"
Cook-Dorough
kept talking. We talked on all morning — four hours without
ceasing, even for a drink of water, and at last I asked him what
his next project would be. Over the months that followed, Cook-Dorough
would write me seven letters, as long as 11 pages, some rendered
meticulous by a hired typist. The letters lauded Dr. Cook as “a
hero, a very gifted man, a pioneer ethnologist;” they bespoke
a tremendously restless passion. But now, in his living room, all
Cook-Dorough could do was sit and grin beatifically. “The
evidence for Dr. Cook is so monumental,” he said, “I
feel the major work has been done. I feel satisfied.”
SATISFIED?
I DIDN’T LIKE THAT AT ALL. What I loved most about Cook’s
fans was their dissatisfaction, their disdain for accepted truths
and their unceasing pursuit of the Real Facts. I needed one more
dose of quixotic fervor, so in the end I visited Ted Heckathorn.
The host of the Seattle conference, Heckathorn also led a 1994 expedition
to Denali. The $30,000 trip was funded by the Cook Society and it
was clearly a seminal chapter in Ted Heckathorn’s life. When
I stepped into Heckathorn’s home just north of Seattle, a
photo from the trip, a huge shot of a sunlit glacier, hung over
the shiny faux fireplace. “The Ruth Glacier,” he pronounced
with earnest pride. Heckathorn, 59, is a balding, sinewy retiree
cum full-time freelance historian, and that afternoon he explained
in intricate detail how his photo was connected to the vindication
of Cook.
“You
know,” he began, “we really need to consider the drawing
on page 52 of Cook’s diary.” Cook claimed that this
squiggly sketch depicted a Denali neighbor, a spire he called “Pegasus
Peak,” as seen from far above the Ruth Glacier, at about 11,700
feet on the east ridge. Heckathorn aimed, in 1994, to prove that
Cook’s sketch was legit — that the doctor had indeed
rendered it on the ridge.
The
expedition started as almost a party, with suppertime sing-alongs
and even a cameo appearance by Cook-Dorough, who hung out at the
base of the Ruth, endeavoring hopelessly to learn the basics of
alpine ropework. Eventually, though, Heckathorn left camp and climbed
to 9000 feet on the glacier, a few miles past where he shot the
huge photo. His guide, the late Scott Fischer, kept going; Fischer
picked his way up to the spot where Cook had supposedly penned his
sketch. Then he glimpsed the very view of Pegasus that the doctor
had rendered and his certainty that Cook was a liar started to fade.
“We
looked up at that double-fluted ridge,” recalls Denali guide
Vern Tejas, who was climbing with Fischer that day. “There
were fingers of snow on it that extended 10 feet out over a sheer
1000-foot drop-off, but Scott was convinced it was doable —
maybe even with the horsehair rope and the buckskin shoes of Cook’s
era. He wasn’t exactly saying that Cook did it with that gear;
he was saying that he, Scott, could do it. But we talked about getting
someone to sponsor us to replicate Cook’s climb. We kicked
the idea around.” When Fischer and Tejas descended, they shared
their new open-mindedness with Heckathorn.
“It was awesome,” the historian reminisces. “I
could almost hear the Mormon Tabernacle Choir!
“Brad
keeps pointing to the photographs,” Heckathorn continued,
“but they’re just not material. I’m convinced
now that Dr. Cook was carrying bad film packs. He’d bought
his film early in the year and now it was September and they’d
been going through streams and fog and heavy snow for months. His
real summit film was probably water-damaged, so he used other photos
to express what the summit looked like. Or maybe he just didn’t
bring his camera to the summit at all. Cook told one reporter that
he left it in camp on the last day of the climb.”
We
were still standing in the living room, peering at the drizzle in
the woods outside, and Heckathorn began to ravel off onto a new,
utterly tangential topic — Robert Peary’s shadowy ties
to Kudlooktoo, an Eskimo who murdered one “Professor Marvin”
in the Arctic in 1908. He drew me downstairs, into his basement
study, to consult various documents on this conundrum and finally,
after an hour, he segued back to Denali and its infamous “heaven-scraped
granite.”
“I
know how Brad feels about the top,” Heckathorn said with concern,
“that there’s a lot of ice, and no exposed rock up there.
But the real question is whether there was exposed rock up there
in 1906. There was a huge earthquake on McKinley in 1912, and the
whole Muldrow route was turned into a jumble of ice. I’d like
to know how the earthquake changed the configuration of the summit.”
I pointed
out that, according to Washburn, Denali wouldn’t have a granite
crown even if it were bare of snow. The uppermost rock on the mountain,
Washburn says, is black argollite.
“No,
no,” Heckathorn said. “There are serious problems to
Brad’s thinking there.” Last year, it seems, Heckathorn
enlisted Vern Tejas to rappel down from Denali’s summit and
pluck the two highest rocks he could get. One rock, it turned out,
was white, the other was black. Heckathorn sent the white rock to
a geological lab, so that it could be professionally identified.
“The report was faxed to me,” he said with great satisfaction.
“Granite.”
I wanted
to ask Heckathorn why on earth he was investing so much sweat into
studying what one guy did in the bush of Alaska 90-odd years ago
but he was still talking, with zeal. I couldn’t cut in and
finally I realized that, in truth, I didn’t need to. We were
surrounded by old books, and you could smell the mustiness of them
and see the cracks and the dust in their brown leather spines. You
could open them up, as Heckathorn had been doing all afternoon,
and gaze at their fading black and white photograph plates. Here
was a comely troupe of Eskimo maidens dancing near the North Pole;
here was some long-dead explorer peering woefully at an endless
snow-and-ice covered sea; and here was “Frederick A. Cook,
MD” wearing a silk cravat and a round-collared shirt as his
liquid blue eyes, noble and hurt, fixed on the camera. The past,
it struck me, is enchanting — a million-branched river of
stories. I could understand the urge to dive in and believe.
After
a very long while, I made it out of Ted Heckathorn’s basement.
I climbed up the stairs and got in my car and drove off towards
home, and when I got onto the highway I remembered the last page
of Cook’s book on Denali. The doctor wrote of taking Ed Barrill’s
flag and pressing it into a small metal tube. The tube was left,
Cook said, “in a protected nook a short distance below the
summit.” Ted Heckathorn hopes to search for it some day. “I’d
like to get up there with a metal detector,” he said. “The
tube could have been swept away in a storm or smashed to bits by
tumbling rocks, but who knows? It’s possible that if it was
tucked away well, that tube could still be there.”
I hope
he finds it.
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